For two decades, some Israeli officials and Israel partisans have worked to embed a new, Israel-focused definition of antisemitism in institutions around the world, from international bodies and national governments to small college campuses in heartland America. This effort is now snowballing rapidly. As a result, advocacy for Palestinian rights is well on the way to being curtailed and even criminalized as âhate.â
By Alison Weir
As the world has witnessed the oppression and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, many people have risen in protest. In response, the Israeli government and certain of its advocates have conducted a campaign to crack down on this activism, running roughshod over civil liberties (and the English language) in the process.
The mechanism of this crackdown is the redefinition of âantisemitismâ to include criticism of Israel, and the insertion of this definition into the bodies of law of various countries.
Where most people would consider âantisemitismâ to mean bigotry against Jewish people (and rightly consider it abhorrent), for two decades a campaign has been underway to replace that definition with an Israel-centric definition. That definition can then be used to block speech and activism in support of Palestinian human rights as âhate.â Various groups are applying this definition in law enforcement evaluations of possible crimes.
Proponents of this Israel-centric definition have promoted it step by step in various arenas, from the U.S. State Department and European governments to local governments around the U.S. and universities.
While this effort has taken place over the last two decades, it is snowballing rapidly at this time. The definition is increasingly being used to curtail free speech and academic freedom, as well as political activism.
Furthermore, such politicizing of an important word may reduce its effectiveness when real antisemitism occurs, doing a disservice to victims of true bigotry.
As of this writing, the U.S. Congress has endorsed the distorted definition, the governments of the UK and Austria have officially adopted it (in December and April, respectively), various U.S. State legislatures are considering it, and numerous universities are using it to delineate permissible discourse. Many representatives and heads of other states around the world have embraced the new meaning, even if they have yet to officially implement it.
This article will examine the often interconnected, incremental actions that got us where we are, the current state of affairs, and the public relations and lobbying efforts that are promoting this twisting of the definition of âantisemitismâ â often under cover of misleadingly named âanti-racismâ movements.
For many years, numerous respected organizations have documented Israeli violations of Palestinian human rights, including the killing of Palestinian civilians, abuse of Palestinian children, torture of Palestinian prisoners, confiscation of Palestinian land, and other cases of systematic violence and oppression. Detailed reports have been compiled by Defense for Children International, the International Red Cross, Amnesty International, Foreign Service Journal, Physicians for Human rights, Christian Aid, Human Rights Watch, the National Lawyers Guild, Israelâs Public Committee Against Torture, Israelâs BâTselem and others.
Israel long claimed that its 1948 creation was on âa land without a people for a people without a land,â and many people may still believe this founding myth. The fact is, however, that the land was originally inhabited by an indigenous population that was approximately 80 percent Muslim, 15 percent Christian, and a little under 5 percent Jewish. The Jewish State of Israel was created through the ejection of approximately three-quarters of a million people.
Over the decades since Israelâs founding in 1948, accusations of antisemitism have been leveled against many people who criticized Israeli actions. Indeed, the accusation was used effectively to silence very prominent critics.
However, for most of that time, the meaning of the term itself was not in question. The standard definition was, in Googleâs terms, âhostility to or prejudice against Jews.â Around the turn of this century, though, certain advocates began promoting official and even legal definitions of antisemitism that included various kinds of criticism of Israel.
Unsurprisingly, the new definitions appear to have originated from within the Israeli government, or at least with an Israeli government official.
The definitions adhere to a pattern set by a man named Natan Sharansky, who was Israelâs Minister for Jerusalem and Diaspora Affairs and chair of the Jewish Agency for Israel. Sharansky founded a Global Forum against Anti-Semitism in 2003, stating: âThe State of Israel has decided to take the gloves off and implement a coordinated counteroffensive against anti-Semitism.â
But Sharansky apparently didnât mean a counteroffensive against just anti-Jewish bigotry, but an offensive against criticism of Israel. The following year he wrote a position paper that declared: âWhereas classical anti-Semitism is aimed at the Jewish people or the Jewish religion, ânew anti-Semitismâ is aimed at the Jewish state.â
Sharanskyâs paper laid out what he called the â3-D Test of Anti-Semitism.â Sharansky applied the term âantisemiticâ to criticism of Israel in three cases. First, he argued that statements that âdemonizeâ Israel are antisemitic â by being, in his mind, unfairly harsh. (Some of those allegedly guilty of âdemonizingâ IsraelÂ are Jimmy Carter, Desmond Tutu, Alice Walker, Human Rights Watch, Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme, French President FranĂ§ois Mitterrand, and others.)
Second, Sharansky declared that itâs antisemitic to apply a âdouble standardâ to Israel â in other words, to criticize Israel for actions that other states may also take. However, if one could never criticize, protest or boycott abuses without calling out every single other similar abuse, no one would ever be able to exercise political dissent at all.
Finally, Sharansky said itâs antisemitic to âdelegitimizeâ Israel, or dispute its âright to existâ (a standard Israeli talking point for many years). In fact, insisting Israel has the ârightâ to exist amounts to saying it had the right to expel Muslim and Christian Palestinians in order to found a religiously exclusive state. (See âWhat âIsraelâs right to existâ means to Palestinians,â by John Whitbeck, published in the Christian Science Monitor.)
Sharanskyâs outline provided the pattern for a European agency to create a new definition of antisemitism the next year, 2005 â a definition that would then be adopted by a succession of organizations and governments, including the U.S. State Department.
There is a back story to how this all came about.
This European agency itself was founded and run by a man with important connections to Israel. It was called âThe European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia,â under the Council of the European Union. A Frenchman named Jean Kahn had convinced European heads of state to create it in 1997.
Kahn had been a President of the European Jewish Congress, elected in a plenary session in Israel, and said the Congress âwould demonstrate its solidarity with Israelâ and that he hoped European countries would âcoordinate their legislation outlawing racism, anti-Semitism or any form of exclusion.â
Kahn was chairman of the Monitoring Centreâs management board and called the âpersonificationâ of the agency. Within three years, the Centre issued a position paper calling for the definition of anti-Semitic offenses to be âimproved.â
A few years later, Israeli professor Dina Porat took up the effort to create a new definition. Working with her were Kenneth Stern and Rabbi Andrew âAndyâ Baker of the American Jewish Committee. Stern reports that when the Monitoring Centreâs then head, Beate Winkler, had failed to deliver the desired definition, Andy Baker âsmartly developed a working relationship with her.â Stern and others then created a draft for the Monitoring Centre to use.
In 2005 the agency issued its âWorking Definition of Anti-Semitism,â largely based on that draft. It included an array of negative statements about Israel as examples of antisemitic offenses. While standard dictionary definitions of antisemitism didnât even mention Israel, fully half of the newly devised Monitoring Centre definition referred to Israel.
Once the Monitoring Centre had created its expanded definition, certain Israel partisans used it to promote similar definitions elsewhere. And while the Monitoring Centre itself continued to term it only a âworkingâ definition and its replacement organization eventually withdrew the definition, in other countries and agencies the expanded definition became official.
In addition, quite frighteningly, proponents pushed successfully to begin applying the Israel-centric definition to law enforcement.
The same year Sharansky created his â3-Dâ antisemitism test â a year after he founded the Global Forum against Anti-Semitism â the U.S. Congress passed a law establishing exceptional government monitoring of antisemitism. The law created a special State Department envoy and office for this monitoring, over objections of the State Department itself.
The law, called the âGlobal Anti-Semitism Review Act,â included a line that subverted its meaning by enshrining a new definition of antisemitism aligned with Sharanskyâs: âAnti-Semitism has at times taken the form of vilification of Zionism, the Jewish national movement, and incitement against Israel.â
The bill was introduced in April 2004. That June, a Congressional hearing was conducted about how to combat antisemitism. A major witness was Israeli minister Sharansky. In his testimony Sharansky proposed his â3-Dâ Israel-connected definition for anti-Semitism.
State Department officials objected to the proposed legislation, saying the new office was unnecessary and would be a âbureaucratic nuisanceâ that would actually hinder the Departmentâs ongoing work. A State Department press release opposing the new office described the many actions that State was already taking against antisemitism.
Despite this opposition, the Senate bill acquired 24 cosponsors representing both parties, including Hillary Clinton, John Kerry, Diane Feinstein, Russ Feingold, Sam Brownback, Saxby Chambliss and Ted Stevens. Similar bills (here and here) were introduced in the House of Representatives, acquiring 35 cosponsors, again including both Republican and Democratic leaders. The legislation passed easily and quickly became law.
The first Special Envoy, Gregg Rickman, endorsed the European Monitoring Centreâs Working Definition in 2008. Rickmanâs report called it a âuseful frameworkâ for identifying and understanding antisemitism. After Rickman left the State Department, he went to work for the American Israel Political Affairs Committee (AIPAC), the major Israel advocacy organization that lobbies Congress.
Rosenthal was extremely proud of having achieved this âbreakthroughâ definition. She began making use of it quickly, establishing a 90-minute course on the new antisemitism at the Foreign Service Institute, the training school for diplomats.
Rosenthal announced that with the new definition including criticism of Israel, their reporting on antisemitism improved â300 percent,â even though, she said, that didnât mean that antisemitism had actually increased in all the countries monitored.
The gloves were off. Now fully half of the official U.S. State Department definition of antisemitism had gone beyond the normal meaning of the world to focus on Israel.
The State Department uses the new definition to monitor activities overseas. But once the State Department definition was in place, efforts began to use it to crack down on political and academic discourse and activism within the U.S.
This past December (2016) the U.S. Senate passed a law to apply the State Departmentâs definition (i.e. the Sharansky-Stern-Rosenthal definition) of antisemitism to the Education Department, for use in investigating reports of religiously motivated campus crimes.
A companion bill for the House is supported by AIPAC, the ADL, the Jewish Federations of North America and the Simon Wiesenthal Center.
South Carolinaâs House of Representatives recently passed legislation under which the State Departmentâs definition âwould be used in probes of possible anti-Semitism at state colleges and universities.â The state senate will consider this in 2018. If passed, it will mean that the state will now probe criticism of Israel on state campuses.
Similar bills are being considered in Virginia and Tennessee.
Such efforts are also ongoing in California. In December Democrat Brad Sherman called on the California Secretary of Education to âexpand its definition to include certain forms of anti-Israel behavior.â Pro-Israel organizations such as the Amcha Initiative have also been pushing the state legislature for several years to officially adopt the State Department definition. So far these have been defeated but continue to be promoted.
A parallel effort has been occurring on U.S. campuses. In 2003 Sharansky said that college campuses were âone of the most important battlefieldsâ for Israel.
In 2015Â University of California President Janet NapolitanoÂ (head of 10 campuses)Â publicly supported adopting the state department definition, after 57 rabbis sent a letter to her and the University Board of Regents promoting the definition.
Student councils or other groups at various universities have passed resolutions adopting the State Department definition, which can then be used to block campus events about Palestine.
An ongoing campaign to ensure Israel partisans become influential in student government has supported these efforts. This campaign was announced by an AIPAC leader in 2010: âWeâre going to make certain that pro-Israel students take over the student government,â he said. âThat is how AIPAC operates in our nationâs capitol. This is how AIPAC must operate on our nationâs campuses.â (Video here.)
Resolutions referencingÂ the Israel-centric definitions have now been passed by student governments at UC Santa Barbara, UCLA, East Carolina University,Â Indiana University, Ohioâs Capital University, Ohioâs Kent State, Orange Countyâs Chapman University, San Diego State University, and other campusesÂ around the country.
An example of these resolutions is the 2015 billÂ at Indiana University. The resolutionÂ denounced anti-Semitism âas defined by the United States State Departmentâ and statedÂ that the student government would not fund antisemitic activities or activities thatÂ âundermine the right of the Jewish people to self-determination.â It also said thatÂ IUSA executives and Congress members wouldÂ undergo diversity training onÂ anti-Semitism.
According to the student newspaper, the bill wasÂ written by Rebekah Molasky, a fellow with the international pro-Israel organization Stand With Us.Â After the resolution was passed, âthe billâs sponsors and outside supporters hugged and high-fived before gathering in the hallway to take a picture to commemorate the moment.â
As evidenced above, such resolutions can now be used to censor student events. TheÂ UC San DiegoÂ resolutionÂ largelyÂ replicated the IndianaÂ format, announcing that the student government will not support activities that âpromote anti-Semitismâ under the new definition, including âdenying Israel the right to exist.â Stand With Us applauded the resolution.
In 2012, an organization called the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under the Law was founded and immediately began promoting the new definition. Within a year it launched an initiative to establish student chapters at law schools throughout the U.S. to advance âthe organizationâs mandate to combat campus anti-Semitism through legal means.â The Center helped push the South Carolina legislation. It is one of numerous organizations promoting the new definition.
(Incidentally, former Supreme Court Justice Brandeis was a leader in the world Zionist movement and worked in public and covert ways to promote it â see here.)
A number of analysts have pointed out some of the many significant flaws with such legislation.
Anthony L. Fisher at Reason.com writes of Congressâs December law applying the State Department definition to the Education Department: âIt gives the federal government the authority to investigate ideas, thoughts, and political positions as violations of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.â
Fisher continues: âBy specifically using the broad language of a 2010 State Department memo attempting to define anti-Semitism, the Senate bill wades into thought policing.â
Attorney Liz Jackson wrote in an opinion piece in the Los Angeles Times: âAnyone who values the constitutional right to express political dissent should worry about this development.â
On the other side of the debate is New York Times columnist Bret Stephens, formerly Wall Street Journal deputy editorial page editor and before that editor of an Israeli newspaper. Stephens, extremely hawkish on Israel, writes and speaks fervently against the movement to boycott Israel (BDS) and what he says is antisemitism on US campuses and elsewhere. In a Wall Street Journal editorial, he claimed that âanti-Semitism is the disease of the Arab world.â
In 2014 Stephens spoke at the Tikvah Fund, a philanthropic foundation committed to supporting the âJewish people and the Jewish State,â opining that it would be a scandal if Jewish people failed âto do all we can to assure the survival of the Jewish State.â
During all this time, parallel efforts to promote the new definition continued in Europe.
In 2009 an organization called the Inter-parliamentary Coalition for Combating Antisemitism (ICCA) took up the effort to spread the expanded definition. The group says it brings together parliamentarians from âaround the worldâ to fight antisemitism and lists a steering committee of six European and U.S. legislators.
The group held a conference in London in 2009 at which it issued a âLondon Declaration on Combating Antisemitism,â which was signed by then British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and other heads of state and legislators. This declaration called on governments to use the European Monitoring Centreâs definition and to outlaw and prosecute such âantisemitism.â
It was couched in âanti-racismâ terms, but when we look at the declarationâs recommendations combined with its definition of antisemitism, one thing becomes clear: In the declaration, numerous lawmakers of the Western world called on world governments to restrict political dissent.
Specifically, they called on governments to outlaw certain forms of criticism of Israel, including calls to boycott Israel; to regulate criticism of Israel in the media; to monitor criticism of Israel online and elsewhere; and to prosecute critics of Israel under âhate crimesâ legislation.
Among numerous other demands, the lawmakers declared that governments:
In 2015 the European Commission created a special position to coordinate work on combating antisemitism and appointed German national Katharina von Schnurbein to the post. Schnurbein proceeded to promote the use of the Israel-centric definition.
Â In December 2016, the UK announced it would formally adopt the Israel-centric definition. It was quickly followed by Austria, which adopted the definition in April 2017. The Austrian justice minister had previously announced that the new definition would be used in the training of new judges and prosecutors.
UK Prime Minister Theresa May made the announcement during a talk before 800 guests at the Conservative Friends of Israelâs annual lunch.
UPI reported: âThe British police are already using this definition, which can now also be used by other groups, such as municipal councils and universities. The definition is not a law, but provides a formal interpretation of an illegal act that can serve as a guideline for criminal proceedings.â Shortly afterward the UKâs higher education minister sent a letter informing universities that the government had adopted the IHRA definition and directing them to utilize it.
(The London council quickly followed suit with its own adoption of the definition, and other cities have now done the same. In May the Israel-Britain Alliance (IBA) began asking candidates for Parliament to sign a pledge that they would support the new definition.)
A number of groups objected to the definition, arguing that the definition âdeliberately equates criticism of Israel with hatred of Jews.â
Opponents said it was âvigorously promoted by pro-Israel lobbyists to local authorities, universities, Labour movement organisations and other public bodies.â
They stated that after its adoption there had been âan increase in bannings and restrictions imposed on pro-Palestinian activities, especially on campuses.â Some of the cancellations cited the IHRA definition. Oxford Professor Stephen Sedley wrote in the London Review of Books that the IHRA definition gives ârespectability and encouragement to forms of intolerance which are themselves contrary to law.â
Professor Jonathan Rosenhead, recipient of the Presidentâs Medal of the British Operational Research Society and Chair of the British Committee for the Universities of Palestine, said there were many examples of the definition creating a âchilling effectâ on institutionsâ willingness to permit lawful political activity, âeven when the definition was not specifically cited.â
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), which represents all of Europe, Eurasia, the U.S., and Canada â a billion people â was also pushed to adopt the definition at its December 2016 conference.
The American Jewish Committee, which has offices in Berlin, Brussels, Paris, Rome, and Warsaw, reported that it had âmet with senior European government officials to encourage OSCE adoption of the definition.â However, adoption of the definition has so far been blocked by one member: Russia.
AJC leader Rabbi Andrew Baker wrote that the AJC would now work âto foster its greater use by the individual states of the OSCE and members of the European Union.â
Two American Congressmen are among the six-member steering committee of the Inter-parliamentary Coalition for Combating Antisemitism (CCA).
According to the site, Deutch âworks closely with his colleagues in the House and Senate toâŠ pass resolutions strongly opposing manifestations of anti-Semitism at home in South Florida, across the United States, and around the world.â
Florida Congressman Ted DeutchThe website reports: âCongressman Ted Deutch is a passionate supporter of Israel whose advocacy for a strong U.S.-Israel relationship stretches back to his youth. Ted spent his summers at Zionist summer camp, worked as a student activist in high school and college, and served in leadership roles on several local and national Jewish organizations throughout his professional career. Today, Ted serves as Ranking Member of the House Foreign Affairs Committeeâs influential Middle East and North Africa Subcommittee, where he continues to champion Israelâs security during a time of great volatility in the Middle East.â
Deutch is also a member of the Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats. His ICCA bio announces that he plans to use this position âto continue to publicly condemn anti-Semitism.â
Deutch receives considerable funding from the pro-Israel lobby.
In March Deutch led a bipartisan letter to Trump âUrging Forceful Action on Anti-Semitism.â It demanded âa comprehensive, inter-agency strategy that called for the Justice Department to investigate âanti-Semitic crimesâ and âensure the perpetrators are brought to justice.â
Deutch was one of two Congresspeople who introduced the December law to apply the State Department definition to education.
The other U.S. Congressman on the steering committee of the ICCA is Republican Chris Smith of New Jersey. Smith is also a senior member on the House Foreign Affairs Committee. According to the website Open Secrets, a large proportion of his campaign donations are also from pro-Israel sources.
Natan Sharansky twice testified at hearings Smith chaired. In a speech at an event honoring Smith for his work against antisemitism, SmithÂ remembered thatÂ Sharansky had Â âproposed what he called a simple test to help us distinguish legitimate criticism of Israel from anti-Semitism.Â He called it the three Ds: Demonization, double standard, and de-legitimization.â
UK universities have seen repression of pro-Palestinian activism on an epic scale. In 2007 the UKâs National Union of Students (NUS) adopted the new antisemitism definition at its national conference, when pro-Israel students introduced a motion entitled âAntiRacism: Challenging Racism on Campus and in Our Communities.â Some student unions at various UK universities then did the same.
This was a particularly ironic name for a pro-Israel motion, given that many people around the world consider Israelâs founding ideology, political Zionism, racist. In fact, in 1975 the UN General Assembly specifically passed a resolution that âZionism is a form of racism.â
(The resolution was revoked In 1991, but not because the world body had changed its mind. In that year President Bush was pushing for the Madrid Peace Conference, which he hoped would end the âArab-Israeliâ conflict. When Israel said it would only participate in the conference if the UN revoked the resolution, the U.S. pressured member states to do just this.)
Through the years numerous entities have affirmed that Zionism is a type of racism, including conferences in South Africa and a recent UN commission which reported that Israel was practicing apartheid. (This report was then removed by the UN Director General, after Israeli and U.S. pressure.)
The UK student actions exemplify a trend that has pervaded this movement since the beginning: Efforts to shut down pro-Palestinian activism, curtail free speech and police thought both online and off are repeatedly packaged as âanti-racismâ and sometimes âanti-fascism.â
Taken together, these steps towards redefining âantisemitismâ to include criticism of Israel, and then ban it, are effectively (and increasingly rapidly) producing significant results in terms of actual regulation and even law enforcement. Nevertheless, there apparently has been some resistance to the change.
In 2013, the successor organization to the European Monitoring Centre (called the European Fundamental Rights Agency) quietly dropped the working definition from its website. Without any public announcement, the definition was simply no longer on its site. When questioned about this, the agencyâs director simply said that the organization had âno mandate to develop its own definitions.â
Proponents of the definition were outraged. Shimon Samuels of the Simon Wiesenthal Center complained that the agencyâs âdisowning of its own definition is astoundingâ and that âthose who fight antisemitism have lost an important weapon.â (The Wiesenthal Center is a global organization that declares it âstands with Israelâ with offices in Los Angeles, New York, Toronto, Miami, Chicago, Paris, Buenos Aires, and Jerusalem.)
However, the fact that the Monitoring Centre had never officially adopted the definition, and that its successor organization now had apparently discarded it, seems to have been ignored by those who had adopted it.
The following year, the World Jewish Congress, which represents Jewish umbrella bodies in 100 countries, called on âall countries to adopt a binding definition of anti-Semitic crimes based on the Working Definition of Anti-Semitism developed by the former European Union Monitoring Commission (EUMC) and used in a number of statesâ law enforcement agencies.â
Other groups stepped into the vacuum and kept the definition alive. In 2016 The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) adopted the definition.
The IHRA consists of 31 Member Countries, ten Observer Countries, and seven international partner organizations. Its chair announced that the IHRAâs goal was to inspire âother international foraâ to also adopt âa legally binding working definition.â Itâs working: Britain and Austria almost immediately followed suit.
The U.S. Brandeis Center applauded the move, saying that âbecause the IHRA has adopted it, the definition has now officially been given the international status that it was previously lacking.â
The Brandeis Center reported that this was the âculmination of a process initiated by Mark Weitzman, Director of Government Affairs at the Simon Wiesenthal Center, two years ago, with help from others including Ira Forman and Nicholas Dean of the U.S. Department of State.â
Forman was the State Department Special Anti-Semitism Envoy under Obama, reportedly led Obamaâs reelection campaign in the Jewish community, had worked for Bill Clinton, and had served as Political Director and Legislative Liaison for AIPAC, the pro-Israel lobbying organization. Nicholas Dean had been the State Department Special Envoy for the Holocaust.
The New York Jewish Week reported that Forman and Dean âplayed a pivotal role in diplomatic efforts that led to the recent adoption by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance of a Working Definition of Anti-Semitism.â
âThis is the first-ever formal international definition of anti-Semitism, and a potentially crucial tool for forcing governments and international agencies to confront and take action against it,â the article continued.
Among much budget slashing proposed by President Donald Trump were cuts to the State Department that would have ended funding for the antisemitism monitoring office and special envoy (though State Department monitoring of antisemitism would continue even after the cuts).
Various organizations are lobbying to keep the office and envoy, including the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), a U.S. organization whose mission is to âstop the defamation of the Jewish peopleâ but which in effect seems to serve as an American extension of the most right-wing elements of Israelâs government. It has a long and infamous history of attacking critics of Israeli policy as âantisemitesâ and also uses an Israel-centric definition of antisemitism.
The ADL and allies pointed to a rash of bomb threats against Jewish institutions to strengthen their argument that this exceptional office must be funded. A letter with over a hundred signatories was sent to Trump demanding that he keep the dedicated State Department position, a bipartisan letter in support of retaining that special monitor was circulated in Congress, and over 100 Holocaust memorial groups and scholars urged Trump to keep the office.
As this political fight has raged, the ADL, which has a budget of over $56 million, sent out press releases to national and local media around the country reporting that antisemitic incidents have soared. The release was repeated almost verbatim in numerous national media and in individual states (as a random example, a Massachusetts headline declared: âReport: Anti-Semitism on the rise in Massachusetts.â)
However, it is impossible to know how many of the antisemitic incidents reported by the ADL were actually related to criticism of Israel, because the ADL didnât release the data on which these results were based.
In addition, the ADLâs reported spike includes a spate of threats called in to Jewish organizations, schools and community centers that, thankfully, were hoaxes. The vast majority of threats (reportedly to over 2,000 institutions) apparently were perpetrated by an 18-year-old Jewish Israeli who reportedly suffers from medical and mental problems. (This alleged perpetrator is also accused of trying to extort a US Senator, threatening the children of a US official, and a range of other crimes.)
Another individual, an American in the U.S., apparently perpetrated eight hoax bomb threats in a bizarre campaign to get his former girlfriend in trouble.
A Jewish News Service article says the threats by the Israeli teen made up a significant percentage of the ADLâs spike and reported: âThe Anti-Defamation Leagueâs (ADL) decision to count an Israeli teenagerâs alleged recent bomb hoaxes as âanti-Semitic incidentsâ is prompting criticism from some Jewish community officials.â
An ADL official admitted that the audit is an approximation, saying âthe science on it is currently being written.â A regional ADL director said that âthis is not a poll or a scientific study,â but rather âan effort to get a sense of âwhatâs going on in peopleâs hearts.ââ
Regarding hard data, the report said that anti-Semitic assaults across the nation had âdecreased by about 36 percent.â
The ADL blames various groups for antisemitism, pointing the finger at people of color with claims that Hispanic Americans and African Americans are âthe most anti-Semitic cohorts,â at âwhite supremacistsâ and at Trumpâs election â but not at the Israeli teen responsible for 2,000+ hoax threats that terrorized Jewish institutions, nor at its own distorted, Israel-connected definition.
Claims of increased antisemitism are cited repeatedly in calls for the U.S. government to maintain funding for the special State Department monitoring.
Former Ambassador to the UN Samantha Power and two Democratic congressional representatives, Reps. Nita Lowey of New York and Deutch of Florida, are among those demanding that Trump appoint a new antisemitism monitor and maintain this office at full strength, even while he cuts other federal spending.
Power tweeted: âAnti-semitism is surging in world. Entire Trump admin needs to focus on it & envoy position must be kept.â
Lowey demanded: âThe president must show he takes the rise of anti-Semitism seriously by immediately appointing a special envoy to monitor and combat anti-Semitism and fully staffing the Special Envoyâs office.â
In a May 2017 speech, World Jewish Congress leader Ronald Lauder said, âBeing anti-Israel is being anti-Semitic.â He announced that the congress âis creating a new communications department, or what you might call Hasborahâ to counter this new âantisemitism.â
Many Jewish writers and activists dispute Lauderâs contention and oppose the campaign to conflate antisemitism with criticism of Israel. An article in Israelâs Haâaretz newspaper points out that âwere anti-Zionism a cover for the abuse of individual Jews, individual Jews would not join anti-Zionist groups. Yet many do. Jewish students are well represented in anti-Zionist groups like Students for Justice in Palestine.â
Rabbi Ahron Cohen of Naturei Kartei (âGuardians of the Faithâ) writes that âJudaism and Zionism are incompatible and mutually exclusive.â Cohen states that antisemitism is âan illogical bigotry. Anti-Zionism, however, is a perfectly logical opposition, based on very sound reasoning, to a particular idea and aim.â
Cohen argues: âAccording to the Torah and Jewish faith, the present Palestinian Arab claim to rule in Palestine is right and just. The Zionist claim is wrong and criminal. Our attitude to Israel is that the whole concept is flawed and illegitimate. So anti-Zionism is certainly not anti-Semitism.â
Recently Israelâs Haâaretz newspaper published a column entitled, âAn Israeli Soldier Shot a Palestinian in Front of Her Kids. Whereâs Her Compensation?â
The article, by Israeli journalist Gideon Levy, begins: âFor three months, Dia Mansur was certain his mother was dead. He was 15 years old when he saw her collapse in the living room of their home, felled by a bullet fired by an Israel Defense Forces soldier that sliced into her face, tearing it apart. He saw his mother lying on the floor, blood oozing from her mouthâŠâ
Levy, citing a report by an Israeli human rights organization, writes that from September 2000 to through February 2017, âIsrael killed 4,868 noncombatant Palestinian civilians, more than one-third of them (1,793) were children and adolescents below the age of 18.â (More info here.)
He continued: âThousands of others, who were also not involved in fighting, have been wounded and permanently incapacitated.â (Photos here.)
A few weeks before that report, Haâaretz published an article that described Israelâs month-long imprisonment of a 12-year-old Palestinian boy, one of over 200 Palestinian children taken by Israeli forces in a little over three months. The boy, accused of throwing stones against Israeli soldiers, would have been released from incarceration earlier, except that his impoverished family didnât have enough money to pay the fine.
In the article, Israeli journalist Amira Haas reported that the boyâs father said that his son âwasnât how he used to be before he was arrested.â âHe used to joke,â the father said, âand he stopped doing that. He talked a lot, and now he is silent.â
Haas wrote that UNICEF had issued a report four years ago that Israel was âextensively and systematically abusing detained Palestinian children and youth.â Today, she reported, âThe stories of physical violence, threats, painful plastic handcuffs and naked body searches remain almost identical.â
Sadly, every week there are similar stories.
To the multi-billion dollar network of lobbies advocating for conflating criticism of Israel with antisemitism, those who work to get such information to the American people â whose government gives Israel $10 million per day â are antisemitic.
Many others of all faiths and ethnicities have a different view.
Sixteen years ago I wrote: âEquating the wrongdoing of Israel with Jewishness is the deepest and most insidious form of anti-Semitism of all.â
It is ironic that it is the Israel lobby that is today doing this equating, and that it has worked to invert the very meaning of antisemitism itself. Rather than denoting only abhorrent behavior, as it once did, today the term is often officially applied to what many consider courageous actions against oppression.
More troubling, still, these lobbying groups are working to outlaw conduct that numerous people (including many Israelis and Jewish Americans) consider morally obligatory.
It seems imperative for Americans who wish for justice and peace in the Middle East, and who oppose Orwellian distortions of language and law, to speak out against this campaign â while we can.
N.B. I deeply hope that no one will exaggerate or misrepresent the information this article reveals. The actions above were taken by specific individuals and organizations. They alone are responsible for them, not an entire religious or ethnic group, most of whom quite likely have little idea that this is occurring.
Alison Weir is executive director of If Americans Knew, president of the Council for the National Interest, and author of Against Our Better Judgment: The Hidden History of How the U.S. Was Used to Create Israel.Â
Following is a timeline of some of the key events in the creation, promotion and adoption of the Israel-focused definition of antisemitism. It provides an outline, but does not include every step of the process, all the key players, or every action.
1991 â Jean Kahn is elected president of the European Jewish Congress at its plenary session in Israel. He announces an ambitious agenda, including demonstrating solidarity with Israel and European countries coordinating legislation to outlaw antisemitism.
1997 â Kahn âconvinces 15 heads of stateâ to create the The European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia to focus on âracism, xenophobia and antisemitism.â
2000 â The Monitoring Centre issues a position paper calling for the definition of antisemitic offenses to be âimproved.â
2003 â Israelâs minister for diaspora affairs Natan Sharansky founds the Global Forum against Anti-Semitism, stating: âThe State of Israel has decided to take the gloves off and implement a coordinated counteroffensive against anti-Semitism.â
2004 â Sharansky, who is also chair of the Jewish Agency for Israel, issues a position paper that lays out the â3-D Test of Anti-Semitism:â statements that âdemonizeâ Israel, apply a âdouble standardâ or âdelegitimizeâ Israel are âantisemitic.â These will form the blueprint for new definitions adopted by lobbying organizations and finally governments.
2004 â US Congress passes law establishing special office and envoy in the State Department to monitor antisemitism that includes statements about Israel under this rubric. (Sharansky is witness at Congressional hearing.)
2004 â American Jewish Committee directors Kenneth Stern and Rabbi Andrew â Andyâ Baker work with Israeli professor Dina Porat to draft a new antisemitism definition and push the Monitoring Centre to adopt it, according to Stern. Their draft drew on Sharanskyâs 3 Dâs.
2005 â Monitoring Centre issues a âWorking Definition of Anti-Semitismâ that includes Sharanskyâs 3 Dâs, based on Stern et alâs draft. While standard dictionary definitions of antisemitism didnât even mention Israel, fully half of the newly devised Monitoring Centre definition referred to Israel.
2007 â UKâs National Union of Students (NUS) adopts the new antisemitism definition focused on Israel, after pro-Israel students introduce a motion misleadingly entitled âAntiRacism: Challenging Racism on Campus and in Our Communities.â Some student unions at various UK universities then follow suit.
2008 â The first U.S. State Department Special Envoy on antisemitism, Greg Rickman, endorses the Monitoring Centre working definition in State Department report to Congress. (Rickman later went to work for AIPAC.)
2009 â The Inter-parliamentary Coalition for Combating Antisemitism (CCA), which brings together parliamentarians from around the world, issues the London Declaration signed by then British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and others. The Declaration calls on governments to use the Monitoring Centre definition and to outlaw and prosecute such âantisemitism.â US Congressmen Ted Deutch and Chris Smith are members of the CCAâs steering committee.
2010 â Second US State Department Special Envoy on antisemitism Hanna Rosenthal officially adopts European Monitoring Centre definition; this is subsequently referred to as the State Department definition of antisemitism. Rosenthal creates course on antisemitism using this definition to train Foreign Service Officers.
2012 â Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under the Law is founded and immediately begins promoting the new definition. Within a year it launches an initiative to establish student chapters at law schools throughout the U.S.
2013 â Successor organization to the European Monitoring Centre (called the European Fundamental Rights Agency) quietly drops the working definition from its website. When questioned about this, the agencyâs director says the organization had âno mandate to develop its own definitions.â (Groups using the definition continue to use it.)
2014 âÂ Mark Weitzman, Director of Government Affairs at the Simon Wiesenthal Center, with help from Ira Forman and Nicholas Dean of the U.S. Department of State, initiates efforts for another agency to adopt and promote the working definition of antisemitism.
2015 âÂ European Commission creates a special position to coordinate work on combating antisemitism, appointing German Katharina von Schnurbein to the post. Schnurbein proceeds to promote use of the Israel-centric definition.Â
2015 â Indiana University passes resolutionÂ denouncing âanti-Semitism as defined by the United States State Department and will not fund or participate in activities that promote anti-Semitism or that âundermine the right of the Jewish people to self-determination.’â University of California Santa Barbara and UCLA also pass such resolutions.
2016 â The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), consisting of 31 Member Countries, adopts the definition; the goal is to inspire others to also adopt âa legally binding working definition.â An analyst writes that the IHRA action is âa potentially crucial tool for forcing governments and international agencies to confront and take action.â
December 2016 â U.S. Senate passes law to apply the State Departmentâs definition of antisemitism to the Education Department, for use in investigating reports of religiously motivated campus crimes. Now the law defines actions connected to criticism of Israel as âreligiously motivated.â
December 2016 â UK announces it will formally adopt the Israel-centric definitionâthe first country to do so besides Israel. UK Prime Minister Theresa May made the announcement during a talk before 800 guests at the Conservative Friends of Israelâs annual lunch.
December 2016 â Adoption of the definition by the 57-member Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), which had been heavily lobbied by the American Jewish Committee, is blocked by Russia. The AJC then says it will push for individual member states to adopt it.
March 2017 â South Carolina House of Representatives passes legislation under which the State Departmentâs definition âwould be used in probes of possible anti-Semitism at state colleges and universities.â The Senate version will be discussed in 2018. Similar bills are being considered in Virginia and Tennessee.
March â May 2017 â Resolutions adopting the Israel-centric definitions are passed by student governments at Ohioâs Capital UniversityÂ andÂ Kent State,Â CaliforniaâsÂ San Diego State UniversityÂ and atÂ other campusesÂ around the U.S.
April 2017 â
May 2017 â
 Iâm using the newer, unhyphenated spelling of this word, which seems to be growing in popularity. I feel it is a more appropriate spelling, since the hyphenated version suggests that it refers to all Semites, which is incorrect. The word was created in 1879 specifically to refer to anti-Jewish prejudice.
 Former Israeli parliament member Shulamit Aloni explained this in a 2002 interview with Amy Goodman on Democracy now. âItâs a trick. â she said. âWe always use it. When from Europe somebody is criticizing Israel, then we bring up the Holocaust. When in this country people are criticizing Israel, then they are âanti-Semiticâ.
Aloni noted that the pro-Israel lobby in the United States âis strong, and has a lot of money.â She continued: âTies between Israel and the American Jewish establishment are very strong âŠ their attitude is âIsrael, my country right or wrong.’â
âItâs very easy,â she said, âto blame people who criticize certain acts of the Israeli government as âanti-Semiticâ and use that claim to justify everything Israel does to the Palestinians.â
Examples abound of critics of Israel silenced in this way. One telling story is that of once-famous journalist Dorothy Thompson, who was virtually erased from history after writing about the Palestinian cause. Read about her here and here.
 Dictionaries all agreed on this meaning, with one exception that caused considerable outrage. This was Merriam-Websterâs mammoth unabridged dictionary, which included a second meaning: âopposition to Zionism: sympathy with opponents of the state of Israel.â
When some people discovered this extra, Israel-related meaning in 2004 and raised objections to it, there was a general outcry that the additional meaning was inaccurate and should be removed, including by New York Times columnist and linguistics arbiter Jeffrey Nunberg, who wrote that it âcouldnât be defended.â
Merriam-Webster responded by saying that the extra meaning would âprobably be dropped when the company published a new unabridged version in a decade or so.â The company hasnât published a new version yet, but it seems to have followed through with this decision. The online version of the unabridged dictionary, which says it is updated with the latest words and meanings, makes no mention of Israel or Zionism.
 An increasingly common Israeli talking point is the claim that itâs antisemitic to deny the Jewish people their âright to self-determination.â This is disingenuous: Self-determination is the right of people on a land to determine their own political status, not the right of some people to expel others in order to form an exclusive state on confiscated land. In reality, the principle of self-determination would have had the Muslim, Christian and Jewish residents of historic Palestine forming a government for all of them, and today would give Palestinians living under Israeli occupation the freedom to determine their own destiny.
 The other witnesses were representatives of the Orthodox Union of Jewish Congregations, American Jewish Committee, U.S. Holocaust Memorial Council, Anti-Defamation League, National Conference for Soviet Jewry, Bânai Bârith International, World Jewish Congress, Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, Simon Wiesenthal Center, Shai Franklin, and Jay Lefkowitz of Kirkland & Ellis, LLP.
 An organization called Students Supporting Israel (SSI) takes credit for most of these initiatives. Created in 2012 at the University of Minnesota by Israeli Ilan Sinelnikov and his sister, Valeria Chazin, SSI now has chapters on over 40 college campuses around the U.S., at least three high schools, and some campuses in Canada. In 2015 Israelâs Midwest Consulate chose SSI to receive the award for âOutstanding Pro Israel Activism.â Campus Hillels are also frequently involved.
 For information on additional Israel-centered campaigns, see the works of Israeli strategist Yehezkel Dror, such as his paper âFoundations of an Israeli Grand Strategy toward the European Unionâ
 A number of analysts have also suggested that some antisemitism may at times be an (inappropriate) response to Israeli violence and oppression of Palestinians. Yale Chaplain Bruce Shipman pointed out in a letter to the New York Times that an earlier period of reported rising antisemitism in Europe paralleled âthe carnage in Gaza over the last five years, not to mention the perpetually stalled peace talks and the continuing occupation of the West Bank.â Israel partisans were outraged and Shipman was soon required to resign.